Has American democracy's long, ambitious run come to an end? Possibly yes. As William G. Howell and Terry M. Moe argue in this trenchant new analysis of modern politics, the United States faces a historic crisis that threatens our system of self-government--and if democracy is to be saved, the causes of the crisis must be understood and defused. The most visible cause is Donald Trump, who has used his presidency to attack the nation's institutions and violate its democratic norms. Yet Trump is but a symptom of causes that run much deeper: social forces like globalization, automation, and immigration that for decades have generated economic harms and cultural anxieties that our government has been wholly ineffective at addressing. Millions of Americans have grown angry and disaffected, and populist appeals have found a receptive audience. These are the drivers of Trump's dangerous presidency. And after he leaves office, they will still be there for other populists to weaponize. What can be done to safeguard American democracy? The disruptive forces of modernity cannot be stopped. The solution lies, instead, in having a government that can deal with them--which calls for aggressive new policies, but also for institutional reforms that enhance its capacity for effective action. The path to progress is filled with political obstacles, including an increasingly populist, anti-government Republican Party. It is hard to be optimistic. But if the challenge is to be met, we need reforms of the presidency itself--reforms that harness the promise of presidential power for effective government, but firmly protect against the fear that it may be put to anti-democratic ends.
Thus, this volume offers critical views on the debate on populism from the perspectives of political economy and the analysis of critical historical events, the links of analyses of populism with social movement mobilisation, the ...
Nixon, 418 U.S. 684 (1974). 4. I gratefully borrow the dichotomy of “overseer” and “decider” from the work of Professor Peter Strauss. Peter L. Strauss, The President as the “Decider” in Administrative Law, 75 Geo. Wash. L. Rev.
Offers the first systematic comparative analysis of the conditions under which populism slides into illiberal rule and the prospects for US democracy.
Eileen Sullivan, “Five Policy Clashes between John Bolton and President Trump,” New York Times, September 10, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/10/us/politics/trump-bolton.html. 32. Peter Baker, Mujib Mashal, and Michael Crowley, ...
W. Lance Bennett at the University of Washington and John Zaller at UCLA have both written insightfully about the media's dependence on political elites. See, e.g., Bennett's “Toward a Theory of Press-State Relations in the U.S.” ...
In Going Local: Presidential Leadership in the Post-Broadcast Age, Jeffrey E. Cohen argues that presidents have adapted their going-public activities to reflect the current realities of polarized parties and fragmented media.
The presidential historian charts the progression of American power from George Washington to George W. Bush, revealing the exercise of power through the office as it has developed into an "imperial" seat of authority, in an updated edition ...
The "inescapable truth," Clinton Rossiter wrote in his classic study of modern democracies in crisis, is that "No form of government can survive that excludes dictatorship when the life of the nation is at stake."
He is the Learned Hand Professor at Harvard Law School, co-founder of Lawfare, and a Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution. Together, in this book, they set the terms for the national discussion to come about the presidency, its powers ...
In The Toddler-in-Chief, Drezner draws on these examples to take readers through the different dimensions of Trump’s infantile behavior, from temper tantrums to poor impulse control to the possibility that the President has had too much ...