Bill Clinton's first presidential term was a period of extraordinary change in policy toward low-income families. In 1993 Congress enacted a major expansion of the Earned Income Tax Credit for low-income working families. In 1996 Congress passed and the president signed the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act. This legislation abolished the sixty-year-old Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) program and replaced it with a block grant program, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families. It contained stiff new work requirements and limits on the length of time people could receive welfare benefits.Dramatic change in AFDC was also occurring piecemeal in the states during these years. States used waivers granted by the federal Department of Health and Human Services to experiment with a variety of welfare strategies, including denial of additional benefits for children born or conceived while a mother received AFDC, work requirements, and time limits on receipt of cash benefits. The pace of change at the state level accelerated after the 1996 federal welfare reform legislation gave states increased leeway to design their programs. Ending Welfare as We Know It analyzes how these changes in the AFDC program came about. In fourteen chapters, R. Kent Weaver addresses three sets of questions about the politics of welfare reform: the dismal history of comprehensive AFDC reform initiatives; the dramatic changes in the welfare reform agenda over the past thirty years; and the reasons why comprehensive welfare reform at the national level succeeded in 1996 after failing in 1995, in 1993–94, and on many previous occasions. Welfare reform raises issues of race, class, and sex that are as difficult and divisive as any in American politics. While broad social and political trends helped to create a historic opening for welfare reform in the late 1990s, dramatic legislation was not inevitable. The interaction of contextual factors with short-term political and policy calculations by President Clinton and congressional Republicans—along with the cascade of repositioning by other policymakers—turned “ending welfare as we know it” from political possibility into policy reality.
Political Disaffection Among British University Students : Concepts , Measurement , and Causes , by Jack Citrin and David J. Elkins . ( $ 2.00 ) 24. Urban Inequality and Housing Policy in Tanzania : The Problem of Squatting , by Richard ...
Argues that businesses use childcare responsibilities to deny women equal opportunity for advancement, and suggests a national childcare policy
Public Policy and Politics in America
“贝利法”最主要的是针对俱乐部面对国家这一强势方和运动员面对俱乐部这一强势方时所明确的权利。俱乐部的公司性质合法性与运动员的权利得到充分的尊重,有利于俱乐部的经营和运动员的流通。 2004年开始,巴西的经济出现了复苏势头,这与2003年上台的反对党 ...
... Rasmussen ( SD ) Anders Fogh Rasmussen ( Agr.Lib ) Table C.2 Finnish Governments since World War I Year Party. Year Party Composition 1913-16 1916-18 1918-20 1920 1920-24 1924-26 1926-29 1929-40 1940-43 Radical Liberal National ...
Within fifteen years of the end of the Second World War, many tens of millions of Soviet city dwellers had been rehoused--liberated from shelters and overcrowded communal dwellings--and the paradox...
The Shadow State: Government and Voluntary Sector in Transition
Health care, education, welfare, law—the perceived success or failure of these social institutions is constantly being debated in the public arena. In this book, Ackoff and Rovin join the discussion,...
光绪庚子辛丑年间,先是义和团短暂地占据京津地区,后是八国联军对于京城将近一年的占领与统治(对天津的战时统治更是长达两年)。由于变起仓猝,东南各省官绅商民之在京津者,大部分来不及出逃而置身于北方混乱秩序的险境之中。与此同时,远在上海的部分东南绅商起而呼吁,号召东南各省官绅商民合力救援被困于京津地区的东南人士。当时的朝廷重臣与疆吏领袖,如李鸿章、奕?、张之洞、刘坤一、袁世凯等均参与其中,动员了大量社会力量,呈现出了国家与社会之间的张力与角力,在当时具有重大影响。作者利用权威档案与最新披露史料精密地呈现了这一过
Debate on housing issues has tended to take place in isolation from debates on the welfare state more generally. This book attempts to remedy the situation by focusing on the...