The history of Communism in the Soviet Union appears at an end. The repressive partisan regime is gone, but we cannot yet see the shape of the system that will replace it. What is clear is that there still exists a need to understand the foundations upon which the Communists built their institutions. The strategies of the West to help the Soviet system transform itself will be valueless unless they take into account the institutional order under which that society labored for seventy years. The transition we are witnessing is incomplete, and events have alarmingly revealed that there remain forces in Soviet society to which democratic change is anathema. Moreover, the vast majority of Soviet citizens have never lived under any other kind of system; those on the outside who are trying to help them build self-governing institutions must understand their experience. Finally, to realize how the partisan, totalitarian state established and maintained itself is to be well armed against similar developments in the future. An Institutional Theory of Communist Regimes explains Communism as an ideological and political phenomenon. It describes Communism's doctrine, its rise in Russia, its evolution, and the mechanics of its demise. This powerful book clarifies why the Soviet experiment has failed. It delineates the political and economic mechanisms that are destroying Communist governments around the world by forcing their ruling elites to look for solutions contradicting the very logic of Communism's institutional design. The author cautions that much of Russian history is made up of cycles of autocratic leadership, occasionally giving way to troubled and unsettled times until another autocrat gains dominance. The road to reform in Russia itself is more difficult, he shows, than in the Baltic republics and the former Soviet dependencies in East-Central Europe. An Institutional Theory of Communist Regimes is an invaluable guide to the lessons of the Communist experience and to the practical problems the disintegration of the Communist bloc poses for the world.
院长李祥坤教授应澳大利亚驻上海总领馆邀请出席了2016年“澳大利亚周·中国”教育论坛,参加澳大利亚驻华使领馆举办的“面向21世纪学生的教育品牌塑造”国际教育论坛及澳中院校交流会,并应澳大利亚总理马尔科姆·特恩布尔邀请,作为国际教育行业代表出席了在上海 ...
Lueh Lun Wo Kuo Chi Cheng Chi Tu Te Chi Ke Chi Pen Wen T'i ( A Brief Discussion of the Several Basic Problems of the Inheritance System of Our Country ) ... Hun Yin Fa T'ung Su Chiang Hua ( A Common Discussion of the New Marriage Law ) .
Aaronovitch , Sam 15 , 87 , 88 , 94 , 113 , 171 Abbott , Syd 8 , 45 Abramsky , Chimen 4 , 14 Albu , Austin 198 Alexander , Bill 15 , 184 Allison , George 31 , 244-5 Brown , Isabel 21 Buckle , Desmond 14 , 114 Budden , Olive 52 Burns ...
... 192 , 222 , 243 , 263 , 274 Socialist Labor Party , 18 Solzhenitsyn , Alexander , 30 Sorokin , Professor , 279 Soyer ... Leonard , 205 Reuther , Walter , 205 , 238 Rhee , Syngman , 81 Rice , Professor , 280 Ridgway , General Matthew ...
书精选了19篇调查报告。内容包括:关于大学生对社会主义新农村文化建设的了解和看法的调查、关于大学生毕业之后的去向选择调查、当代大学生的法律维权意识调查等。
班超投笔从戎,岳飞精忠报国,戚继光勇挫倭寇,郑成功收复台湾, 林则徐虎门销烟,谭嗣同慷慨赴刑,刘胡兰宁死不屈......正是“热爱祖国,矢志不渝,天下兴亡,匹夫有责”的爱国献身情怀,支撑着他们的追求,留下可歌可泣的动人历史篇章。京张铁路是中国首条不使用外国 ...
结果出现了一大批反对社会契约论的政治学家和社会学家,其中在英国的有:威廉·泰姆普勒、伯恩哈特·德·曼德维尔、安东尼·厄夫·谢夫特斯伯利、亨利·圣·约翰·博林布罗克、詹姆斯·哈里斯、大卫·休谟、亚当·斯密、亚当·弗格森等等。在这里一一阐述他们的论点可能 ...
当时,魏、蜀、吴三国鼎立,三国之中蜀国国小人少,实力较弱,诸葛亮从长远利益着手,采取吴蜀联盟的策略,使蜀国得以全力对付魏国。对内,诸葛亮充实国家力量,安定人民生活;注重选拔人才,任人唯贤;赏罚分明;虚心征求各方面的意见;严格要求各级官吏,惩办贪污腐化 ...
(二)中共中央政治局委员、书记处书记、中组部部长李源潮委托中组部组织局副巡视员韩旭、四处处长刘文代表中组部部委会成员到吴大观同志家中,将吴大观同志生平最后一次“大额党费”(10万元)的收据交到吴老夫人华国手中。韩旭对吴老的精神给予了充分的肯定, ...
这并不奇怪,因为它的主要缔造者——美国总统伍德罗·威尔逊(Woodrow Wilson)是一位杰出的宪法教授。这位伟大领袖为此做出的卓越贡献足以获得全世界的由衷感激。同时,我们也有必要了解与“国际政治中规范性思想和法律途径的局限性”有关的历史教训。